TRUTH ABOUT INDIA’s FREEDOM STRUGGLE (Part V)

 

TRUTH ABOUT INDIA’s FREEDOM STRUGGLE

(Part V)

 

(by Ved Pal, IRSE; FIE; FIPWE; MBA; Former Principal Chief Engineer and Former Chief Administrative Officer, Ministry of Rlys, Govt of India)

12.1.27 The Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) and Revolutionary Democratic Party (RDP)

 Many members of the Anushilan movement had been attracted to Marxism during the 1930s whilst serving long jail sentences due to studying Marxist–Leninist literature. A small section joined the Communist Consolidation (a radical communist organization that existed during 1935-38, founded by the prisoners of the Cellular Jail who got influenced by the philosophy of Marxism), and later the Communist Party of India. By the end of 1936, the Anushilan Marxists at the Deoli Detention Jail in Rajputana (now Rajasthan) drafted a document formulating their political line which was then distributed amongst the Anushilan Marxists at other jails throughout the country. When they got released from jails the Anushilan Marxists adopted this document. The Anushilan Marxists released from long jail sentences, stood at cross-roads during 1938-39. They felt that they lacked the resources to build a separate political party. Joining the CPI was out of the question, due to sharp differences in political analysis. Neither could they reconcile their differences with the Royists (followers of MN Roy, a Communist International leader who later founded Radical Democratic Party, also known as the Radical Communist Party in 1939 that supported allied forces). In the end, the Congress Socialist Party [a radical group within the Indian National Congress that was founded in 1934 by advocates of armed struggle or sabotage such as Jayaprakash Narayan, Minoo Masani, Yusuf Meherally and Basawon Singh/Sinha as well as included those socialists who insisted upon nonviolent resistance such as Acharya Narendra Deva], appeared to be the sole platform acceptable for the Anushilan Marxists. The CSP had adopted Marxism in 1936 and their third conference in Faizpur they had formulated a thesis that directed the party to work to transform the Indian National Congress into an anti-imperialist front.  Anushilan Marxists and some HSRA leaders Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee, Tridib Chaudhuri and Keshav Prasad Sharma had discussions with Jayaprakash Narayan in June 1938 and decided to join CSP, but keeping a separate identity within the party. Some members of the HSRA also joined the CSP.

The Anushilan Marxists were soon disappointed by developments inside the CSP as differences surfaced between the leftwing Congress president, Subhas Chandra Bose, and the section led by Gandhi. As the risk of world war loomed, Bose wanted to utilise the weakening of the British empire for the sake of Indian independence. Bose was re-elected as the Congress president, defeating the Gandhian candidate Pattabhi Sitaramayya. Gandhi openly declared that defeat of Pattabhi Sitaramayya was his (Gandhi’s) defeat. But, at the same session a proposal was brought forward by Govind Ballabh Pant, which gave Gandhi veto over the formation of the Congress Working Committee. In the Subjects Committee, the CSP opposed the resolution although according to Subhas Chandra Bose himself, the Pant resolution would have been defeated if the CSP had opposed it in the open session. J.P. Narayan stated that although the CSP was essentially supporting Bose's leadership, they were not willing to risk the unity of the Congress by opposing during open session. The Anushilan Marxists had clearly supported Bose both in the presidential election as well by opposing the Pant resolution. Jogesh Chandra Chatterji renounced his CSP membership in protest against the high-handedness of the section led by Gandhi. Due to the manoeuvrings of the Gandhi-led clique in the Congress Working Committee, Bose resigned from the Congress presidency and formed the Forward Bloc.   

Formation of RSP(ML): The Left Consolidation Committee soon fell into pieces, as the CPI, the CSP and the Royists deserted it. Bose assembled the Anti-Compromise Conference in Ramgarh, Bihar, now Jharkhand. The Forward Bloc, the Anushilan Marxists (still members of the CSP at the time), the Labour Party and the Kisan Sabha attended the conference. The conference spelled out that no compromise towards Britain should be made on behalf of the Indian independence movement. At that conference the Anushilan Marxists assembled to launch their own party, the Revolutionary Socialist Party of India (Marxist–Leninist), severing all links to the CSP. The first general secretary of the party was Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee. The first War Thesis of RSP in 1940 took the call for "turning imperialist war into civil war". But after the attack by Germany on the Soviet Union, the line of the party was clarified. RSP meant that the socialist Soviet Union had to be defended, but that the best way for Indian revolutionaries to do that was to overthrow the colonial rule in their own country. RSP was in sharp opposition to groups like Communist Party of India and the Royist RDP (Radical Democratic Party, also known as the Radical Communist Party, was a political party in India founded in 1939 by former Communist International leader M.N. Roy with the purpose of engaging India in the war to support the Allies), who meant that antifascists had to support the Allied war effort.

 

 12.1.28 Forward Bloc (1939) founded by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose

Following are extracts from signed editorials dated 5 August 1939 and 12 August 1939, penned by Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose while forming Forward Bloc:

 “…. Today the slogan of ‘unity at any price and under all circumstances’ is a convenient slogan in the mouth of those who have lost dynamism and revolutionary urge. Let us not be led astray by its fascinating appeal.

            In every movement that is living or dynamic, there is a latent left–a latent ‘antithesis’, if you will. .. Through co-operation with the right or through conflict with it, the left must continue to grow till it succeed in capturing the organization in winning the right over to its side. When this is achieved and the possibilities of the left wing (now the majority party) are exhausted, history must repeat itself and new left-wing must emerge and ultimately oust the left wingers of yesterday. The Gandhiites of 1920 were the left-wing in the Congress, but it does not follow therefrom that they are the left- wing today. The leftists of yesterday, if not always, become the Rightists of tomorrow. To say that there should be no differentiation between right and left within the Congress of today and to argue that this Congress as a whole is left—is talking arrant nonsense. ..

The right-wing having refused co-coperation with the left we leftists would be justified in surrendering to them on the plea of unity, only if the right-wing still had a dynamic role to play. But it is unfortunately clear from the correspondence I had with Mahatma Gandhi in March and April list that he no longer thinks in terms of a coming struggle. The Ministers and their guides who now dominate the Congress do not contemplate struggle either. …. It then became indispensably necessary to inaugurate the Forward Bloc with the help of fresh elements from the left. The Forward Bloc is there for not only the creature of an inner urge within the Congress, but it is also the product of historical necessity. … With the publication of the Nehru Committee’s Report in 1928, in which the majority of the members advocated a Constitution for India based on Dominion Status, a left-wing emerged in the form of the Independence League. At the annual session of the Congress held in Clacutta in December, 1928, the members of the League endeavoured but failed to induce the Congress to alter its creed so that Independence would be declared in unmistakable language to be the goal of the Congress. The opposition to this move came from the main body in the Congress led by Mahatma Gandhi. … 1934 provoked a revolt from the Left. The Congress Socialist Party (formed by Jayaprakash Narayan Minoo Masani and others in 1934) then came into existence and, thanks to its timely appearance and its dynamic activity, the drift towards Constitutionalism was checked to a large extent. …  But in 1938, at the Haripura Session of the Congress held in February, it was found that the C. S. P. was no longer forging ahead. … Forward Bloc will rally all progressive, radical and anti-imperialist elements in the Congress, whether they be Socialists or not. Through this consolidation, the people will equip themselves for the anti-imperialist struggle that will bring India her birthright of liberty.” (Source: Official website of All India Forward Bloc)

Main objectives of Forward Block was Poorn Swaraj and it played a crucial role in freedom struggle mobilising the masses against colonial rule. On the outbreak of war, Bose advocated a campaign of mass civil disobedience to protest against Viceroy Lord Linlithgow's decision to declare war on India's behalf and Bose organised mass protests. As speeches and writings of Subhas Bose became increasingly militant, the British authorities threw him in jail. He was released from jail in July 1940 following a seven-day hunger strike, but was placed under house arrest in Calcutta under the Defence of India Act and kept under surveillance by the CID. Forward Bloc faced severe repression and many of its leaders were imprisoned and tortured and after escape of Subhas Bose on January 17, 1941, repression further increased. Dwijendra Nath Bose, son of Subhas’s eldest brother Sudhir, who along with his brother Arabinda and first cousins Sisir and Ila had played a crucial part in Subhas Bose’s dramatic escape from Kolkata in 1941, was subsequently arrested and subjected to torture, which left him partially crippled for the rest of his life. In June 1942 Forward Bloc was banned by British Government.

 

12.1.29 Indian Legion, The Indian Independence League, First INA and Second INA

Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Germany in April 1941 after escaping from house arrest in Calcutta. He met with Hitler and the Nazi high command, making the case for raising an Indian unit from Rommel's Indian prisoners of war from the battlefields of Europe and Africa, as the nucleus of an Indian Liberation force. The Indische Legion was thus formed to win India's independence by waging war against Britain. The initial recruits in 1941 were volunteers from the Indian students residing in Germany at the time, and a handful of the Indian prisoners of war who had been captured during the North African campaign. It later drew a larger number of Indian prisoners of war as volunteers. The legion, officially the Free India Legion (German: Legion Freies Indien) or 950th (Indian) Infantry Regiment (German: Infanterie-Regiment 950 (indisches), was a military unit raised during the Second World War initially as part of the German Army and later the Waffen-SS from August 1944. Intended to serve as a liberation force for British-ruled India, it was made up of Indian prisoners of war and expatriates in Europe. Owing to its origins in the Indian independence movement, it was known also as the "Tiger Legion", and the "Azad Hind Fauj. One company was sent to Italy in 1944, where it saw action against British and Polish troops. A small contingent, including much of the Indian officer corps and enlisted leadership, was transferred to the Indian National Army in South-East Asia (based at Japan)

The Indian Independence League (also called IIL in short) was formed in 1942 by Rash Behari Bose (a prominent revolutionary associated with Anushilan Samity from very early stage; had prominent role in formation of Ghadar Party; was mastermind of bob attack on Lord Hardinge in 1912 and fled to Japan) and Captain Mohan Singh {a Captain in British Indian Army captured by Japanese who was convinced by Giani Pritam Singh (a Ghadar Party member) and Major Fujiwara (a Japanese Intelligence Officer) to mobilise Indian POWs in Japan to fight for securing India's independence from British rule}. The league was established through a conference in Tokyo from March 28–30, 1942. Under IIL the First Indian National Army (First INA) was formed by Mohan Singh and existed between February and December 1942. It was formed with Japanese aid and support after the Fall of Singapore and consisted of approximately 12,000 of the 40,000 Indian prisoners of war who were captured either during the Malayan campaign or surrendered at Singapore.

Disagreements and distrust arose between Mohan Singh and IIL's Council of Action under Rash Behari Bose over control of the army's leadership and roles.

Conflict also emerged over policies of the Japanese military administration in occupied territories. Mohan Singh refused to provide INA soldiers for Japan's campaign in Burma against the British. This led him to resign and dissolve the first INA by December 1942.

Many prominent volunteers and soldiers, including those who were a part of the INA, and the ones who had not joined the Indian National Army before, made it clear that they were willing to join the army if it was led by Subhas Chandra Bose. In 1943, a series of meetings were held between the Japanese and the leaders of the Indian National Army, post which it was decided that Bose would henceforth lead both the IIL and the INA.

Bose reached Tokyo on May 11, 1943, and met the general of the Imperial Japanese Army, Hideki Tojo. In July 1943, Bose visited Singapore, where he made use of radio broadcasts to exhort Indians living in Southeast Asia to join the fight against the British Raj in India. On 4 July 1943, Rash Behari Bose handed over leadership of the IIL and the Indian National Army (also called 2nd INA) to Subhash Bose in a ceremony in Singapore. On August 25, Netaji assumed Supreme Command of the ‘Azad Hind Fauz’ and On October 21, 1943, Bose proclaimed the formation of ‘Provisional Government of Free India’ (Azad Hind) and declared INA as the official army of ‘Azad Hind.’ It also had its flag, emblem, seal, anthem and even currency notes issued by Azad Hind Bank (the bank was established on 5 April 1944, at Rangoon, the then headquarters of the Provisional Azad Hind Indian government). The Azad Hind government was recognised by governments of 9 countries [1. Japan, 2. Germany, 3. Italy, 4. Thailand, 5. Burma, 6. Croatia, 7. Philippines, 8. Manchukuo (a state under Japanese control in Manchuria) and 9. Nanking China (a Japanese-controlled government in China)]. Thus, the Indian National Army became the army of the Azad Hind Government to fulfil its declared policies.

On October 23, 1943, the provisional government, Free India declared war against the Allied forces on the Indo-Burma Front. Its army, the Indian National Army (Azad Hind Fauj), went into action against the British Indian Army and the allied forces as part of the Imperial Japanese Army

Since the sole objective of the newly formed INA under Subhas Chandra Bose was to fight for the independence of India, the number of volunteers willing to serve the army was more than ever. Though the exact troop strength is unknown as the records were later destroyed, an Australian author named Carl Vadivella Belle estimated that the membership of the Indian Independence League had peaked at 350,000 under Bose’s leadership. These included commoners like plantation workers, traders, and barristers as well as experienced military men. Under the leadership of Lakshmi Sahgal, an all-female unit was created, which subsequently drew female volunteers as well. This was the first all-female army regiment in the world.

Strategy of INA: INA's strategy was to obtain arms as well as increase its ranks from Indian soldiers expected to defect. Once across the hills of North-East India and into the Gangetic plain, it was expected to live off the land and garner support, supplies, and ranks from amongst the local populace to ultimately touch off a revolution. Initiating a popular revolution with grass-root support within India would ensure that even if Japan lost the war, Britain would not be in a position to re-assert its colonial authority.

In 1943, Japanese Army and INA captured the Andaman and Nicobar Islands and its authority was given to the Azad Hind Government. Netaji stressed that the INA and Japanese Army must advance together to create unrest among the units of the British as well as instigate a revolt in the country. They prepared a plan to invade the Manipur plain. Flag hoisting by Netaji took place in Andeman Nicobar at Port Blair on December 30, 1943.

Military Successes of INA: In the beginning of 1944, diversionary attacks were carried out by the Japanese troops in the Akyab area. The 5th and 7th divisions of the British forces were mauled badly. In the spring of 1944, Manipur sector was attacked by the Japanese 15th Army alongwith No.1 Division of the INA and these forces were brilliantly successful. British forces left their transport and equipment and retreated along the road of Tamu Imphal and Tiddim Imphal. Followig are specific battle victories of INA and Japanese combined forces:

·        On February 4, 1944 Azad Hind Fauz (INA) went into action for the first time on the Arakan Mountains of Burma, and Taung Bazar was captured on same day. Few days later captured Mowdok, an outpost situated south-east of Chittagong on boreder of Burma and India (now Bangla Desh).

·        On March 1 Sactabin in the Kaladan was captured and the strong military post of Klang/ Kalan was occupied on March 5.

·        By March 7 the 17^th British Army led by Lt Gen Cowan (HQ Tiddim) was dislodged and Fort White (a small military station in Burma built by the British Army under Field Marshal Sir George Stuart White, V.C., Commander-in-Chief of Upper Burma in 1889) was reduced on 8^th March. Lanacot was taken on March 12.

·        On March 18, 1944 Kennedy Peak on the Indo-Burma Frontier bordering Ukhrul was occupied by the Subhas Brigade under Shahnawaz Khan and on 19^th March he hoisted the Azad Hind’s national flag for the first time on Indian soil.

·         Toungjam and Ukhrul gave in on the 20th and 21st of March. In the famous battle of Shangsak, it was taken on the 24th.

·        On March 31^st Moreh (now in Manipur) fell and the very next day on 1 April British Lt Gen Gracey’s 20th Army (HQ Kabaw Valley) and Tamu on Burma Manipur border were captured.

·        On April 14, 1944 in Imphal Sector, Col Shaukat Ali Malik, Commander of the Bahadur group of INA dislodged 21st Army (HQ Imphal) led by British Lt Gen Roberts ushering in thus the “Moirang day”.

·        On 20^th April Tengnoupal (a district headquarters in Manipur) and Pallel (a Village in Kakching Tehsil of Thoubal District of Manipur) were taken over. The divisional headquarters of the provisional Azad Hind government was set up at Tengnoupal, where Governor-designate Manipur, Col A C Chatterjee (of INA) resided.

There was a boost in the morale of the INA soldiers and the Indians as they unfurled the tricolour on the free lands of Moirang. Thereafter, the situation reversed for the Azad Hind Fauj. Heavy rains in Burma submerged the supply lines of the army, which rendered the army without any logistics support, arms and ammunitions, not even the food resources. Taking advantage of the situation, the British forces conducted air raids on the occupied areas which forced the INA forces to retreat.

In 1945, Germany surrendered to the Allied Forces but Japan still continued the fight. Later Japan had to surrender after the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima. In these circumstances, the INA was left helpless, although Subhas Chandra Bose still tried to issue instructions to the army wings and the civilians about what should be done from Singapore. Its major ambition of creating a march on Delhi remained unfulfilled.

On August 22, 1945, Tokyo Radio made an announcement that Netaji had died in a plane crash in Taiwan on August 18, 1945.

INA Trials: The trials against the captured soldiers on INA began in November 1945. They were held publicly. The main charges of waging a war against the British were levied on three top leaders - Prem Sahgal, Shah Nawaz Khan, and Gurbaksh Dhillon. The proceedings of the court and the story of INA created an electrifying effect in the country. INA trials fuelled nationalist sentiments, and anti-colonial attitudes which even permeated the Indian Armed Forces. It resulted in revolts in the Indian Navy, certain units of the Indian Air Force, and the Indian Army. There was a huge wave of nationalism among the Indian Armed Forces

Millions of Indians realised that the British were not invincible, they could be defeated and crushed by a strong rebellion. Azad Hind Fauj succeeded in accomplishing Netaji's strategic objective of awakening the people and creating hostile conditions which made the British realise that their rule could not continue and they could no longer sustain themselves in India. The will of the British to continue their rule in India was completely shattered.

This, ultimately led to Britishers to leave India. This aspect will be dealt in detail in subsequent paragraphs.